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The purpose of a colonial endeavor is
never explicit. Though a colonizer projects some motivations more
clearly than others, there always emerges multiple motives behind their
involvement in a certain country or region. In the Andes, the multiple
motivations of its various colonizers have constructed the coca-consciousness
that currently defines Andean life. In this section, I will break
down some of the motivations behind Spanish Colonialism in the Andes, illustrating
how it set the stage for coca’s current position as a symbol of cultural
and economic survival.
Motivations
Upon their arrival in the Andes in the sixteenth
century and continuing through the early 1800s, the Spanish unabashedly
pursued a dualistic moral and economic mission. In 1524, Pizarro
set out to explore the unknown lands of what we today call Colombia and
Peru. Mortimer reports that “rumors of fabulous wealth” in the area initially
incited the explorer’s interest (Mortimer 1901: 91). However, as Mortimer
goes on to illustrate, his desire for plunder was only satiable when coupled
with religious justification. After initially encountering stiff resistance
from the indigenous people, Pizarro sought help from the Spanish colony
in Panama. Initially, the governor of this colony was not inclined
to assist Pizarro as he considered him to be nothing more than a “rash
adventurer” (Mortimer 1901: 92). It was until Pizarro’s assistant,
Father Hernando de Luque (a Catholic Priest) presented a religiously based
argument that the governor agreed to help the conquistador. Thus,
as Mortimer states, religion was “the inspiring force, and plunder…the
objective points” of the Spanish’s Latin American conquests (Mortimer 1901:
92). Though rumors of wealth drew the Spanish to the Andes, they could
only legitimately access this wealth when they coupled their secular ambitions
with a higher moral purpose.
Contributions to a Coca Consciousness
This dualistic colonial endeavor played a significant
role in solidifying coca as an integral component of the Andean identity.
In the Incan culture, coca was regarded as “the divine plant” that permeated
and brought meaning to all of Andean existence (Mortimer 1901: 7). Allen
reports that in order to be considered Runa or a ‘real -person’ in Andean
culture, one must chew coca. She states that “to chew coca is to
affirm the attitudes and values - the habits of mind and body – that
are characteristic of indigenous Andean culture” (Allen 1988: 22).
In this sense, we see that prior to the Spanish conquest of the 1500s,
coca was not Andean but simply constituted a component of everyday human
life. Though it was integrally linked to a person’s humanity, the
construction of a conscious Andean identity had not yet begun.
It was not until the Spanish invasion of the
1500s that a specifically Andean identity began to develop. As the Comaroffs
state, that arrival of a colonizing force causes the colonized to gradually
“…objectify their world in relation to a novel other, thereby inventing
for themselves a self-conscious coherence and distinctness” (Comaroff 2002:
501). The Spanish represented this initial objectifying force in the Andes.
As Mortimer states, “…these invaders did not simply overthrow the existing
government and permit native customs to continue under a new control, but
they attempted to annihilate not only the people but their customs and
traditions” (Mortimer 1901: 97). This attempt by the Spanish to overwhelm
any sense of Andean indigenous identity in favor of a Spanish identity
provided a competing and often hostile objectification of humanity.
Such an objectification gave the Andean people ‘an other’ off of which
to develop an individual and consciously Andean identity.
The coca leaf played a significant role in this
emerging Andean consciousness as it emerged as a key symbol, differentiating
the colonized from their colonizers. Allen states,
“it was out of this historical situation –
the colonial holocaust… – that the cultural identity of Runakuna (Plural
form of Runa, Quechua for human being) took shape, and that coca use came
to signify Indianness” (Allen 1988: 221). When the Spanish first
arrived in the Andes, a long and bitter debate erupted over the continuation
of coca production in the Andes. Those involved in the moralizing
mission of the church called for its complete eradication from society.
Sanabria states that “…because [coca] was deeply embedded in the Andean
cosmology and world view, [it] was an intractable barrier to the Christianization
of the ‘pagans’” (Sanabria 1993: 39). This initial attack on coca by the
Church acted to accentuate coca as an Andean symbol, giving it more value
in the Andean consciousness than less controversial symbols.
However, the economic faction of the Spanish
colonizing force took issue with the Church’s calls for prohibition. They
feared that without coca, the indigenous “…would neither work nor mine…,”
bringing the entire colonial economy to a halt (Sanabria 1993: 40,
Mortimer 1901: 9). Succumbing to these powerful economic fears, the Spanish
permitted the existence of Coca. This act, in addition to preserving the
legality of a crucial Andean symbol, also laid the foundation on which
coca production would become an essential Andean industry. After its official
legalization, the demand for coca by the indigenous miners and other labors
increased. This demand constructed coca as a profitable commodity, inspiring
both Andean peasants and mestizos to use their fields for coca cultivation.
Furthermore, this new profitability facilitated the expansion of coca cultivation
into areas in which coca had previously been absent. One such area
was Bolivia’s Chapare region, in a sense, laying the seeds (excuse the
pun) for, what in the middle twentieth century would become one of the
world’s largest coca producing areas.
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